China Slams Jail Door on Olympic Dissent

Here's a story reprinted from THE STAR about three Chinese human rights activists outspoken about the Beijing Olympics. Mr. Hu Jia (above), was tried last week and is awaiting his sentence. Today, Yang Chulin was sentenced to five years in prison. Human rights activists represent may different socio-economic groups within China, from journalists, human rights lawyers, writers, farmers, factory workers, as well as ethnic minorites such as Tibetans and Uyghirs.

China slams jail door on Olympic dissent
Mar 25, 2008 04:30 AM
Bill Schiller
Asia Bureau


BEIJING–In the darkest of ironies, as the Olympic torch was lit in Athens yesterday, a court in China sentenced a man to five years in prison after he dared to say the principle of human rights is more important than the Olympic Games.

Unemployed former factory worker, Yang Chunlin, 54, gathered more than 10,000 signatures on a petition last year, appealing against illegal seizures of land from poor farmers by powerful local officials in the northeastern province of Heilongjiang.

The petition letter began: "We want human rights, not the Olympics."

Yang was promptly arrested July 6 and charged with trying to subvert state power – a broad charge frequently used against those who openly criticize the government.

After Yang's trial last month – which lasted less than a day – Sophie Richardson of Human Rights Watch said she feared that, "soon it will be official that objecting to the Olympics is a crime in China."

In fact, prosecution of outspoken Chinese citizens has picked up pace in the final months before the Games.

Yang's is the third case of a well-known dissident to come before the courts in recent weeks.

Last month, democracy activist and writer Lu Gengsong was sentenced to four years for "inciting to subvert state power."

And last week well-known activist Hu Jia was hauled before the courts, but he has yet to be sentenced.

Hu Jia is perhaps best-known for his work in helping HIV/AIDS victims. He and his wife Zeng Jinyan had been kept under house arrest for months in Beijing, before he was finally arrested on Dec. 27.

Yang Chunlin's 5-year sentence yesterday, comes only weeks after Chinese Foreign Minister, Yang Jiechi, publicly scoffed at suggestions that any citizen might be sentenced for saying human rights were more important than the Olympics.

"People in China enjoy extensive freedom of speech," Yang told reporters during an official visit by British Foreign Minister David Milibank. "No one will get arrested because he said that human rights are more important than the Olympics. This is impossible.

"Ask 10 people from the street to face public security officers and ask them to say `human rights are more important than the Olympics' 10 times or even 100 times, and let's see which security officer would put him in jail."

During Yang's time in jail, the group China Human Rights Defenders claimed he was chained for days in a fixed position and forced to clean the waste of other inmates.

Yesterday, as Yang was being led away from court, a scuffle broke out between police and his family, and Yang was pushed to the floor and shocked with electric batons, according to his lawyer Li Fangping.

Yang now has 10 days to decide whether he will appeal, Li told The Associated Press.

While Yang was being sentenced in China, International Olympic Committee president Jacques Rogge was insisting to reporters in Athens that it was "right" to have awarded the Olympic Games to China, saying the event would act as a "catalyst" for change.

He said it wasn't in his or the IOC's job to dictate directives to a sovereign state, or to engage it in political discussions.

Still, human rights campaigners decried the yesterday's sentencing.

"Yang Chunlin's 5-year sentence darkens the lighting of the Beijing Olympics torch," Sharon Hom of Human Rights in China, told the Star from New York.

"Imprisonment for peacefully expressing your views – protected by the Chinese Constitution and international human rights law – undermines any claim to the `human rights' progress cited IOC President Jacques Rogge," she said.

China has made it clear that it will not brook any embarrassing protests highlighting political or social problems during the Games.

But human rights campaigners have vowed to seize the opportunity to protest while the world's eyes are on China.

Where Are They Now?

NEWS ALERT: "China Bars Olympics Coverage From Tiananmen Square"
[NY Times, March 24, 2008]

One of the greatest moments in human history ever recorded. This is the face of China that embodies the true spirit of China's aspiration to be a part of the world. The Olympics scheduled for 2008 seems but a small flicker by comparison.

The Other China: When Chinese Speak Out on Behalf of Tibet

Angel, 2007
by Gonkar Gyatso (Tibetan artist, b.1961 Lhasa, now in exile)

One of the conversations happening among Buddhist groups is whether or not "protest," especially in the calls to boycott the 2008 Olympics in Beijing, actually benefits the Tibetan people. Is participation in protest dharmic? Social activism in the form of grassroots networking combined web 2.0 technologies has dramatically widened the definition of "protest" my generation participated in with the Civil Rights movement and the anti-war movement in the 1960's and 70's. Everyone can determine what they can bring to a cause, what "upaya" or skillful means they have at their disposal.

In recent days, several articles have appeared regarding Chinese human rights advocates response to both the Tibetan situation and China's involvement in Sudan which illuminate a broader public opinion than mainstream Chinese rhetoric would have one believe.

The following article, "Abuses Belie China Pledge on Rights, Critics Say" [NY Times, August 8, 2007], appeared on the first anniversary before the opening of the Olympic games in Beijing in August 2008. The article states:

Amnesty International said several political advocates in Beijing were under threat of close surveillance or house arrest. At the same time, authorities are persecuting Chinese journalists, the group said. And the police are sweeping up vagrants and other Beijing residents under a controversial policy that allows officers to detain people for up to four years without trial, it said.

The report described the detentions as part of a citywide “cleanup” operation to prepare for the Olympics.

Chinese Olympic officials have said that advocacy organizations should not exploit the Games to further their own agendas, but the government also appeared to be growing accustomed to criticism from a range of groups. On Monday, Jiang Xiaoyu, an executive vice president for the Beijing Olympic Committee, said that “we are mentally prepared that such voices will become louder in the future.”

"Tibet crisis: Chinese intellectuals Speak Up" [Sheela Bhatt in New Delhi | March 23, 2008] gives the full text of the petition sent by Chinese intellectuals cited by the NY Times in yesterday's article on "Intellectuals in China Condemn Crackdown" [NY Times, March 24, 2008]

Leading Chinese intellectuals and writers have released a petition that suggests twelve ways to deal with the Tibet crisis. The petition, which indicates a major shift in the intellectual scene of China, has appeared on several websites.

According to a report, the petition states, "Chinese voices are being raised in China in response to the way Beijing [Images] has handled the protests that began on March 10."

The report added that the signatories include Chinese writers Wang Lixiong, Liu Xiaobo and Yu Jie, Professor Ding Zilin from the pressure group Tiananmen Mothers as well as other scholars, lawyers and artists.

The creative Chinese petition states that the language used by the Chinese government to describe the Dalai Lama is not "in keeping with the situation, nor is it beneficial to the Chinese government's image."

"As the Chinese government is committed to integrating into the international community, we maintain that it should display a style of governing that conforms to the standards of modern civilization," the petition adds.

The letter is signed by 29 signatories and displays courage on their part. It urges the Chinese government to "stop the violent suppression" in Tibet, and appeals to the Tibetan people not to engage in violent activities.

It also urges the Chinese government to end the propaganda and news blockade, saying: "The one-sided propaganda of the official Chinese media is having the effect of stirring up inter-ethnic animosity and aggravating an already tense situation. This is extremely detrimental to the long-term goal of safeguarding national unity."

The petition also points out that the current protests are widespread, unlike the protests that erupted in March 1989.

The writers say: "This deterioration indicates that there are serious mistakes in the work that has been done with regard to Tibet. The relevant government departments must conscientiously reflect upon this matter, examine their failures, and fundamentally change the failed nationality policies."

The Chinese intellectuals want the government to have a dialogue with the Dalai Lama to "eliminate animosity and bring about national reconciliation". They have also appealed for calm and reflection among Chinese people.

The twelve suggestions for dealing with the Tibetan situation are as follows:

1. At present the one-sided propaganda of the official Chinese media is having the effect of stirring up inter-ethnic animosity and aggravating an already tense situation. This is extremely detrimental to the long-term goal of safeguarding national unity. We call for such propaganda to be stopped.

2. We support the Dalai Lama's [Images] appeal for peace, and hope that the ethnic conflict can be dealt with according to the principles of goodwill, peace, and non-violence. We condemn any violent act against innocent people, strongly urge the Chinese government to stop the violent suppression, and appeal to the Tibetan people likewise not to engage in violent activities.

3. The Chinese government claims, "There is sufficient evidence to prove this incident was organised, premeditated, and meticulously orchestrated by the Dalai clique." We hope that the government will show proof of this. In order to change the international community's negative view and distrustful attitude, we also suggest that the government invite the United Nation's Commission on Human Rights to carry out an independent investigation of the evidence, the course of the incident, the number of casualties, etc.

4. In our opinion, such Cultural-Revolution-like language as "the Dalai Lama is a jackal in Buddhist monk's robes and an evil spirit with a human face and the heart of a beast" used by the Chinese Communist Party leadership in the Tibet Autonomous Region is of no help in easing the situation, nor is it beneficial to the Chinese government's image. As the Chinese government is committed to integrating into the international community, we maintain that it should display a style of governing that conforms to the standards of modern civilization.

5. We note that on the very day violence erupted in Lhasa (March 14), the leaders of the Tibet Autonomous Region declared that "there is sufficient evidence to prove this incident was organized, premeditated, and meticulously orchestrated by the Dalai clique." This shows that the authorities in Tibet knew in advance that the riot would occur, yet did nothing effective to prevent the incident from happening or escalating. If there was a dereliction of duty, a serious investigation must be carried out to determine this and deal with it accordingly.

6. If in the end it cannot be proved that this was an organized, premeditated, and meticulously orchestrated event but was instead a popular revolt triggered by events, then the authorities should pursue those responsible for inciting the popular revolt and concocting false information to deceive the Central Government and the people; they should also seriously reflect on what can be learned from this event so as to avoid taking the same course in the future.

7. We strongly demand that the authorities not subject every Tibetan to political investigation or revenge. The trials of those who have been arrested must be carried out according to judicial procedures that are open, just, and transparent so as to ensure that all parties are satisfied.

8. We urge the Chinese government to allow credible national and international media to go into Tibetan areas to conduct independent interviews and news reports. In our view, the current news blockade cannot gain credit with the Chinese people or the international community, and is harmful to the credibility of the Chinese government. If the government grasps the true situation, it need not fear challenges. Only by adopting an open attitude can we turn around the international community's distrust of our government.

9. We appeal to the Chinese people and overseas Chinese to be calm and tolerant, and to reflect deeply on what is happening. Adopting a posture of aggressive nationalism will only invite antipathy from the international community and harm China's international image.

10. The disturbances in Tibet in the 1980s were limited to Lhasa, whereas this time they have spread to many Tibetan areas. This deterioration indicates that there are serious mistakes in the work that has been done with regard to Tibet. The relevant government departments must conscientiously reflect upon this matter, examine their failures, and fundamentally change the failed nationality policies.

11. In order to prevent similar incidents from happening in future, the government must abide by the freedom of religious belief and the freedom of speech explicitly enshrined in the Chinese Constitution, thereby allowing the Tibetan people fully to express their grievances and hopes, and permitting citizens of all nationalities freely to criticize and make suggestions regarding the government's nationality policies.

12. We hold that we must eliminate animosity and bring about national reconciliation, not continue to increase divisions between nationalities. A country that wishes to avoid the partition of its territory must first avoid divisions among its nationalities. Therefore, we appeal to the leaders of our country to hold direct dialogue with the Dalai Lama. We hope that the Chinese and Tibetan people will do away with the misunderstandings between them, develop their interactions with each other, and achieve unity. Government departments, as much as popular organizations and religious figures, should make great efforts toward this goal.

Signatories:

Wang Lixiong (Beijing, Writer)

Liu Xiaobo (Beijing, Freelance Writer)

Zhang Zuhua (Beijing, scholar of constitutionalism)

Sha Yexin (Shanghai, writer, Chinese Muslim)

Yu Haocheng (Beijing, jurist)

Ding Zilin (Beijing, professor)

Jiang Peikun (Beijing, professor)

Yu Jie (Beijing, writer)

Sun Wenguang (Shangdong, professor)

Ran Yunfei (Sichuan, editor, Tujia nationality)

Pu Zhiqiang (Beijing, lawyer)

Teng Biao (Beijing, lawyer and scholar)

Liao Yiwu (Sichuan, writer)

Wang Qisheng (Beijing, scholar)

Zhang Xianling (Beijing, engineer)

Xu Jue (Beijing, research fellow)

Li Jun (Gansu, photographer)

Gao Yu (Beijing, journalist)

Wang Debang (Beijing, freelance writer)

Zhao Dagong (Shenzhen, freelance writer)

Jiang Danwen (Shanghai, writer)

Liu Yi (Gansu, painter)

Xu Hui (Beijing, writer)

Wang Tiancheng (Beijing, scholar)

Wen kejian (Hangzhou, freelance)

Li Hai (Beijing, freelance writer)

Tian Yongde (Inner Mongolia, folk human rights activists)

Zan Aizong (Hangzhou, journalist)

Liu Yiming (Hubei, freelance writer)

In late February, prominent Chinese human rights activist, Wei Jingsheng, wrote an open letter to Ms. Mia Farrow commending her for her work on behalf of Darfur. Mia Farrow has engaged in a highly effective campaign to bring world-wide recognition to China's involvement in the Darfur crisis. In fact, if you want to know how to orchestrate a grass roots effort, Ms. Farrow's website offers a huge "to do" list. The full text is available on her home page at Miafarrow.org. One paragraph jumped out at me--. Mr. Jingsheng writes,

Wherever human rights are endangered, the speakers for the local authorities have a common tune: it is an internal affair, do not intervene. But you know the truth: human rights issues are never an isolated, local or internal affair.

The notion that China's internal affairs have no bearing on world events is no more realistic than justification for America's involvement in Iraq as a fait accompli response to the attacks on the World Trade Center on 9.11. What superpowers do with their aggressive policies takes a huge toll in human suffering for generations to come. Global citizens have the
right to question and analyze the intention behind these acts against humanity. When artists and intellectuals become engaged, the wheels are turning towards public exposure and greater awareness. If China were so sure of itself, why are foreign journalists not allowed inside Tibet to speak directly with informants? Why are Chinese oppositional voices and Human Rights advocates either jailed or harassed?

WHY DOES THE NY TIMES AND WASHINGTON POST CONSISTENTLY UNDERESTIMATE WHAT'S HAPPENING
GLOBALLY IN RESPONSE TO CHINA HAS NOTHING TO DO WITH FREEDOM OF SPEECH AND OTHER HUMAN RIGHTS? See Pointounterpoint

There's a different kind of torch being passed here than the Olympic torch that has more to do with universal harmony and goodwill--the torch of freedom of expression.

[A note on the Tibetan artist's vision in Angel.Gonkar Gyatso superimposes the well know Abu Ghraib figure on top of the central deity figure of Chenrezig rendered in traditional Tibetan tik-se line drawing. Employing a patchwork of multiple colors and textures, the artist seems to imply that the tortured individual is part of a greater whole or represents numerous others. Thus, those individuals who are tortured become not only the object of compassion but the very vehicle of compassion itself, as angels or messengers of compassion.]

Year of the Earth Rat

Year of the Earth Rat


What comes to mind is a certain
brawn, a radiant boldness
that defies the boundaries of can’t do
or won’t make it happen.
I’ve seen you look askance,
your single eye focused
in the strut through garbage and refuse--
All the heaps of discouragements
that hinder others but excite your passion
for excellence and a worthy prosperity.
Let's move mountains,
scale globes of gold,
defy the house rules
to blaze a path towards realization
arising from such unlikely origins
as the lowly earth rat
who never says No.

Jacqueline Gens
2.7.08
Brattleboro, VT

Lyrics in honor of the American Civil Rights Movement

There is a remarkable paucity of poems from the 'academy' dedicated to the American Civil Rights movement.

This site Civil Rights Movement Veterans offers a generous selection of poems by motly African American forerunners and veterans of the Civil Rights Movement, especially by Freedom Riders.

Here are two online from Gregory Orr:

THE DEMONSTRATION
Democratic National Convention
Atlantic City, New Jersey, 1964

They bob above us all afternoon —
three giant charcoal portraits
of Goodman, Schwerner. and Chaney.
civil rights martyrs whose tortured
bodies have just been found
in the red clay wall
of a dam in rural Mississippi.

Staring up at their flat, larger-
than-life faces, I envy the way
they gaze at the gray ocean
and the gray buildings
with the calm indifference
of those whose agonies are over .
Myself, I'm a frightened teenager
at my fIrst demonstration.
carrying a placard that demands
the seating of a mixed delegation
from a Southern state.

No one
prepared me for the crowd's hostility.
the names we're called.

Still, we chant the slogan reason
proposed: "One man. one vote."
And still it holds — the small shape
we make on the dilapidated boardwalk —
reminding me now of the magic circles
medieval conjurers drew
to protect themselves from demons
their spells had summoned up.

Copyright © Gregory Orr, 1964, all rights reserverd.



SOLITARY CONFINEMENT
Hayneville, Alabama, 1965

Even as the last bars clang
shut and I start to rub the purple ache
clubs left on shoulders, ribs,
and shins, my mind is fashioning
an invisible ladder.
lt's rungs an lifts of escape.

They've taken the SNCC pamphlets
but let me keep a book
of Keats — poems reminiscent
of my sad, adolescent affair
with the coffln-maker's daughter,
which taught me many things,
including carpentry.

And when, at dusk,
the trusty held for car theft brings
my tray of grits and fatback,
it won't matter so much that,
groaning and puking,
I'll be sick for hours.

Imagination is good wood; by midnight
I'll be high as that mockingbird
in the magnolia across the moonlit road.

Copyright © Gregory Orr, 1965, all rights reserved.

I was disappointed but not surprised that the American Academy of Poets made no mention on their front page of either African American poets or the legacy of Dr. King who spoke with the lyricism of a poet.

One of the great contemporary poems about the civil rights movement is Marilyn Nelson's crown of sonnets for Emmett Till, "A Wreath for Emmett Till." To hear her read it on NPR, click here.

On the other hand, the American folk movement responded with lyrics today that are still sung and listened to. Here is Bob Dylan at the Newport Folk Festival in 1963--the year of Dr. King's great march on Washington.




Here is Nikki Giovanni's tribute, "In the Spirit of Martin" for Martin Luther King, Jr. (1929-1968.




You Tube has many great short videos relating to African American artists. Here is Billie Holiday singing "Strange Fruit," the greatest anti-racism song ever written.

"Strange Fruit" began as a poem written by Abel Meeropol, a Jewish schoolteacher from the Bronx, about the lynching of two black men. He published under the pen name Lewis Allan (the names of his two children who died in infancy). Meeropol wrote "Strange Fruit" to express his horror at lynchings after seeing Lawrence Beitler's photograph of the lynching of Thomas Shipp and Abram Smith in Marion, Indiana. He published the poem in 1937 in The New York Teacher, a union magazine. Though Meeropol/Allan had often asked others (notably Earl Robinson) to set his poems to music, he set Strange Fruit to music himself. The song gained a certain success as a protest song in and around New York. Meeropol, his wife, and black vocalist Laura Duncan performed it at Madison Square Garden.

Strange Fruit
By Lewis Allan

Southern trees bear a strange fruit,
Blood on the leaves and blood at the root,
Black bodies swinging in the southern breeze,
Strange fruit hanging from the poplar trees.

Pastoral scene of the gallant south,
The bulging eyes and the twisted mouth,
Scent of magnolias, sweet and fresh,
Then the sudden smell of burning flesh.

Here is a fruit for the crows to pluck,
For the rain to gather, for the wind to suck,
For the sun to rot, for the trees to drop,
Here is a strange and bitter crop.

photo that inspired Lewis Allan to write "Strange Fruit"


In Memorium Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. (1929-1968)